DOMINICAN PROVINCE OF ST DOMINIC

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The Dominican Order and Learning

 

by William A. Hinnebusch

 

1—The Dominican Attitude Toward Learning

In the aim which it set itself the Dominican Order was a pioneer, creating a new kind of religious Order dedicated to the apostolate. It pledged itself to seek the salvation of souls by preaching the faith everywhere in the world. To gain mobility for this apostolate, it cut itself off from the restricting ties of a single monastery, parish, or diocese. The Order was no less an innovator when it chose study as an essential element in achieving its end. Its most recent Dominican Constitutions, adopted at a general chapter held at River Forest, Illinois, in 1968, stress the importance of study:

Therefore “our study should before all things be zealously directed to our purpose to help others spiritually. (1)

By study, the brethren themselves assimilate the manifold wisdom of God and prepare themselves to serve the Church and all men by teaching. They should all the more be fully committed to study because by the tradition of the Order, they are specially called to encourage men in the pursuit of truth. (2)

After 750 years of life, storm, and stress, study still stands as a means which cannot be dispensed with, rejected, or neglected without jeopardizing the Order’s very life. (3)

The Order of Preachers is a learned Order. In the background, giving religious color, are the age-old observances of the regular life. Running through the entire fabric is consecrated study, a golden thread dominating the whole tapestry. It is not worked in as an afterthought but is integral to the Dominican religious life. “Study,” wrote Humbert of Romans, "is not the purpose of the Order but is exceedingly needful for the ends we have mentioned, namely, preaching and working for the salvation of souls, for without study we can achieve neither.”(4) Study and learning were the means to attain a sacred purpose—the salvation of men through preaching. In advancing that aim, they served simultaneously as instruments of personal sanctification for the friar. He pursued them as duties of his state of life. In the Dominican way of life, they stood on a level with divine services and monastic observances strictly so-called. Humbert of Romans, who first loved the Carthusians and during his life cherished a strong bent toward asceticism, found no difficulty in ranking study as one of the spiritual works of the Dominican way of life. According to him, priors should “willingly be present also at spiritual exercises within the cloister, such as lectures, conferences, sermons, the divine office, and the like.”(5) Jordan of Saxony put it more succinctly when he replied to an inquirer who asked what Rule he followed: “The Rule of the Friars Preachers. And this is their rule: to live virtuously, to learn, and to teach.”(6)

St. Dominic, who viewed study as an essential part of the apostolic life to be led by his friars, was the author of the intellectual bent of his Order. He made study an essential duty of the Dominican religious life and learning an indispensable requirement of its apostolate.(7) His own life and experience foreshadowed the life of the brothers of the Order of Preachers. As a careful and industrious student, he studied arts and theology at the cathedral school of Palencia. He laboriously annotated his books, spending almost his whole night in study. In the interests of study he gave up the use of wine.(8) At his first venture into the apostolic field he sat up all night in theological discussion with an Albigensian, winning the conversion of his opponent.(9)

The circumstances under which Dominic founded his Order strongly influenced its doctrinal and intellectual character. For ten years before the Order was solemnly confirmed, Dominic had been in conflict with Albigensianism, a heresy based on a fundamental metaphysical misconception—a dualism postulating two absolute first principles as the source of all things. Before the Albigensian Crusade began, Dominic and his fellow missionaries frequently engaged the leaders of the heretics in public debate.(10) The fact that his summary of the debates held during a fifteen-day period at Montreal in 1207 was chosen as the best statement of the Catholic position demonstrates his theological acumen." Personal experience in the field of combat taught him the need for preachers with minds schooled in the Scriptures and theology, men who could use the weapons that faith, reason, and experience placed in their hands.(11)

Dominic remained true to his training and experience after he founded his Order. It is no surprise to see him, during the same month the foundation was made, enroll his six disciples in the lecture course that Alexander Stavensby was giving at the cathedral school of Toulouse.(12) Constantly “by word and in letter” he urged the friars to study the books of the Old and the New Testaments.(13) Quite consistently, he chose university cities as places for the foundation of priories. At the dispersal of the friars in August, 1217, he sent seven of the sixteen to Paris.(14) The next year he made a foundation at Bologna.(15) In 1220 there followed a foundation at Palencia, where King Ferdinand had just raised the schools to university rank; in 1221 at Montpellier, where the schools had recently gained their university charter.(16) As Dominic lay dying in Bologna on Aug. 6, 1221, friars he had commissioned at the general chapter in May were passing through Canterbury en route to Oxford(17)

In founding priories in university cities, Dominic intended to enroll the friars for the university courses and to seek vocations from among the students and professors. He saw the success of this vocational plan at both Paris and Bologna. After his death, Jordan of Saxony, during a fifteen-year term as master general, continued it with phenomenal success. And the Order never lost its appeal for university people.(18)

The Order’s legislation, fashioned under Dominic’s presidency in 1220, embodied an academic code. Its most important feature was the requirement that a professor be appointed for each priory. Each priory, in effect, would be also a school.(19) The Founder himself obtained the services of Regent-Master John of St. Albans for Saint Jacques priory in Paris, raising its courses thereby to university status.(20)

Dominic’s planning laid the foundation for the later, elaborate organization of higher studies within the Order. As the Order grew numerically and geographically, it established a net-work of schools: priory schools, provincial schools, and general houses of studies. Dominic could not have foreseen this educational system in its finished details, but his attitude toward learning, his grasp on the needs of his time, the steps he took to educate his men in theology, his realization of the advantages of university training, made it inevitable that Dominicans would pursue their studies to the ultimate conclusion of earning degrees at the universities.

Graduation implied the entrance of Dominicans into the field of teaching. The mastership in theology and the baccalaureate which preceded it could not be earned except by teaching. At each step in his advance toward his degree the candidate taught. After graduation, university statutes required him to put in a further period of compulsory professorship. Masters, bachelors, and friars trained in advanced theology returned to their provinces to staff, and teach in, their provincial houses of studies or priory schools. As these men retired from the schools or went into other fields as priors, provincials, preachers-general, inquisitors, bishops, legates, they carried their learning with them, stamping everything Dominican and everything they did with the seal of learning.

2 — The Organization and Supervision of Studies

The Dominican Order, the first to set itself a doctrinal mission, was also the first to write prescriptions for study into its basic laws.

The Constitutions demanded that the pursuit of learning begin the moment postulants walked across the threshold of a priory:

Let the master teach them how unceasing they should be in the pursuit of knowledge, so that by day and by night, at home and on the road, they should be reading something or meditating, and should strive to learn whatever they can by heart.(21)

The hours of the Divine Office were to be sung “briskly and concisely, lest the brethren lose devotion and their studies be impeded.”(22) Priors might dispense with the daily chapter of faults in the interests of study.(23) This spirit of study was so deeply implanted that when one of the early friars neglected study for the sake of long prayers and works of asceticism, “the brethren often accused him of making himself useless to the Order by not studying.”(24)

The prologue of the Constitutions linked serious study to the Order’s purpose as an indispensable means of achievement:

The prelate shall have power to dispense the brethren in his priory when it shall seem expedient to him, especially in those things that are seen to impede study, preaching, or the good of souls, since it is known that our Order was especially founded from the beginning for preaching and the salvation of souls, and our study ought to tend principally and ardently and with the highest endeavor to the end that we might be useful to the souls of neighbor. (25)

The Constitutions embodied many measures concerning study. They forbade the founding of a priory without a lector.(26) They laid down detailed instructions for students, student masters and lectors, for disputes, review of lectures, and methods of study. Lectors and student friars enjoyed various privileges. Superiors could exempt them from religious exercises so they could give themselves to study without interruption. Talented students might have the use of a cell and stay up at night to study.(27) Nevertheless this was on their own responsibility; if they dozed during lectures they were guilty of fault and might be punished.(28) Superiors were to single out students who displayed aptitude for teaching and send them on for higher studies.(29) Nor was the supervision of studies left solely to local superiors. Visitors were obliged to observe how each priory fulfilled its duties toward study.(30)

In the years that followed, the Order built on the academic foundations laid by the Constitutions. Upon its priory schools it constructed an elaborate scholastic organization that provided a graduate program of studies and an interlocking system of provincial (studia provincialia) and general houses of study (studia generalia). I shall discuss these schools in the next two chapters.

The Order carefully supervised the running of its schools. The superior direction of the whole educational system lay with the general chapter; especially it kept the regulation of the general houses of study under its control. It made ordinances for all the Order’s schools. During the latter half of the thirteenth century the chapter entrusted the appointment of their professors and officials to the master general but from early in the next century it took most of these appointments into its own hands, and towards 1400 began to designate the majority of the lectors.(31) Rarely was there a chapter that did not in some way deal with educational matters. Legislation is constantly being clarified, modified, or supplemented.(32)

The first comprehensive regulation of studies (occasioned by developments at the University of Paris, which had broadened its philosophical courses in 1255) was made by the general chapter of Valenciennes in 1259. The work was entrusted to a commission of five masters of theology: Albert the Great, Thomas Aquinas, Peter of Tarentaise, Florence of Hesdin, and Bonhomme of Brittany. In a brief and concise document the commission regulated many aspects of Dominican studies.(33)

The importance of the program can hardly be exaggerated. Though in some provisions it but repeated earlier ordinances, in its integration it is a masterpiece of scholastic organization which for centuries remained the basis of Dominican studies. Calling for the establishment of schools of philosophy, it implicitly approved its use in the elaboration and teaching of theology. This was a most progressive step, taken in full accord with the most advanced trends in the field of thought and in complete harmony with the views of Albert and Thomas, the leaders of the intellectual world.(34) Meanwhile, general houses of studies had been founded at Paris, Oxford, Cologne, Montpellier, and Bologna, and provincial houses of theology had evolved from priory schools in the provinces.(35) Thus the chain of Dominican studia was completed. The trend initiated by Saint Dominic when he led six of his earliest disciples to the theological school of Alexander of Stavensby at Toulouse had come to maturity.(36)

The 1259 ordinance provided for academic exercises in these schools similar to those of the universities: lectures, disputations, determinations, and repetitions.(37) It set down the duties of lectors, bachelors, priors, student masters, visitors (visitators), and students. The five masters designated a method of choosing students for advanced courses, safeguarded the rights and privileges of lectors and students, took measures to prevent them from being distracted from their studies, permitted them to be dispensed from certain other duties, required them, and even priors and lectors who were not currently teaching, to frequent classes regularly. They stipulated what books were to be taken to lectures and made provisions for the support of students. The ordinances also provided machinery for the regular supervision of studies. The Constitutions had commanded the visitors who were sent out annually to inspect the priories to inquire into academic matters. The 1259 chapter amplified these duties, enjoining visitors to recommend friars for advanced studies and to determine whether lectors were faithful to their classes, held disputations, and gave magistral solutions to problems. Visitors were obliged to report to the provincial chapter and give notice when priories lacked lectors.(38)

The day-by-day supervision of provincial schools and general houses of studies devolved on the prior(39) and more immediately on the master of students. The Constitutions entrusted the master with the duty of regulating the activities of students, correcting them, assigning them to cells, hearing their repetitions of lectures, and deciding whether they were suited for continued study.(40) The chapters of the early fourteenth century spelled out these duties in greater detail and extended them.(41) Not only did the master of students now give certain kinds of lectures, but he regulated the academic work of the students, safeguarded their privileges, excused them from classes when necessary, checked on their diligence in study and in class. If they were neglectful, he accused them in chapter or, in flagrant cases, reported them to the provincial. He gave a yearly report about the work of lectors, the attitude of -the prior toward studies, the conduct of students, the observance of student’s privileges, and the fulfillment of academic ordinances of the chapters. If he were master of students in a studium generale, he reported on these subjects to the general chapter; if in a provincial studium, to the provincial chapter. He also observed whether the professors followed the doctrines of the Church, the accepted opinions of the schools, and the teaching of St. Thomas.

The 1305 general chapter supplemented the 1259 curriculum with detailed instructions for the various houses of study. It set down the qualifications and duties of lectors, the admission requirements for students, the type and frequency of academic exercises, and provided for the supervision of study.(42) The chapters of 1313, 1314, and 1315 handled a wide variety of academic matters. They devoted special attention to the provincial and general houses of theology, determining the number of students and making provision for their books and clothing. They prohibited all students from engaging in extraneous activities, and protected their rights and privileges, established norms for the frequentation of lectures, made regulations concerning the appointment and teaching of lectors, systematized the supervision of studies by the master of students, and strongly emphasized adherence to the doctrines of St. Thomas.(43) The 1313 chapter provided for the censorship of books before publication, and, renewing older ordinances, forbade the study of alchemy.(44) The 1315 chapter ordered all priories to establish and stock their libraries.(45)

The 1405 general chapter made some important changes in the organization of Dominican schools. After reaffirming the qualifications for lectors in the houses of studies and tightening the requirements for taking the mastership in theology, it commanded the provinces to establish one or more grammar schools, and not to have more than one school of arts, one of philosophy, and one of theology in each vicariate. It also created two new types of general houses of study, ordering the provinces to organize one for philosophy and one for the arts. It proceeded to designate one for philosophy at Siena and Basel respectively in the provinces of Rome and Germany, and one for the arts at Ferrara in the province of St. Dominic and at an undetermined priory in the province of Saxony.(46) This is the last we hear of these special schools. Apparently they were intended to supplement but not supplant the regular provincial schools which were continued.

Within the province, the general direction of studies was the duty of the provincial chapter and the provincial. They determined where the schools were to be set up, appointed their lectors, and selected their students.(47) The chapters applied the academic ordinances of the general chapters to their province and issued mandates to meet local conditions.(48) During his tours of the province, the provincial looked into the conduct of the students and the work of the lectors. He sought friars who showed an aptitude for advanced studies and, with the provincial chapter, assigned students to the studia generalia and provided for their needs.(49)

Even today, fundamentally, the organization of studies in the Order, though modified by the ingrafting of new courses and altered to meet changed conditions, bears the imprint of these earlier years.

In its faculties of arts, philosophy, and theology established in provincial studia, in its territorial diffusion, the Dominican academic organization rivalled the influence and cultural importance of the universities. In its higher reaches it joined hands with the universities, either because its curriculum was incorporated into, and the friars took their degrees from the university, or because the Dominican faculty substituted for a university faculty of theology. In its totality the Dominican educational system was comparable to a university, not concentrated in one place but decentralized through the provinces and reaching its apex at the studium generate of St. Jacques in Paris. It was, as Sir Maurice Powicke described it, “a kind of distributed university.”(50) This was especially true after 1257 when Alexander IV granted the master general the privilege of authorizing qualified friars to teach theology in Dominican schools even though they had not gained the right of teaching everywhere by earning a university degree. This privilege did not extend to places where there was a university faculty of theology.(51)

3—Dominican Response to the Intellectual Needs of the Church

When St. Dominic imparted to his Order such a strong intellectual bent, he not only ensured the achievement of its own end but also responded to an urgent need of the Church. He gave it learned teachers as well as preachers. The clergy of the early thirteenth century, apart from those of the universities, were almost devoid of theological training, yet were unable to remedy this defect. The Councils of the Lateran in 1179 and 1215 had ordered the opening of schools for the clergy: grammar schools in each episcopal city, theological schools in each metropolitan diocese.(52) Honorius III repeated these mandates in 1219 and took measures to ensure their fulfillment.(53) For the most part, however, lack of professors frustrated the commands of pope and councils. Mandonnet estimated that it would have been hard to find a dozen professors of theology outside the universities at the opening of the thirteenth century.(54)

These evils did not escape Dominic. His experience in southern France had taught him the need of a clergy trained in the sacred sciences. He determined to found an order well-grounded in sacred truth, prepared to spread it by preaching, to defend it by attacking error. He knew that these purposes could not be attained without study. Honorius III officially imposed this same mission on the Order. He urged the friars to preach the word of God eagerly, to seize every opportunity to do the work of an evangelist.(55) Study was an essential preparation and an abiding necessity for the fulfillment of such a mission. Each Dominican priory had to be also a school. Soon the network of priories spreading across Europe provided the schools that popes and councils had sought in vain to provide.(56) Mandonnet estimated that 1550 Dominicans were devoting themselves to intellectual pursuits at the end of the thirteenth century.(57) During the great controversy of the Mendicant Orders with the University of Paris at mid century, Thomas Aquinas underlined this service the Order was rendering to the Church, remarking that it had fulfilled the mandate of the Lateran Council far beyond its requirements.(58) Thomas’ own contribution to the development of the Order’s consciousness of its intellectual mission (before him not so clearly defined, nor always so coherent), was of first importance. Some Dominican authors, exaggerating, have called him the second founder of the Order.

With the coming of St. Thomas Aquinas, the directly theological role of the Order, leading, moreover, to the study of certain secular sciences, received its definitive historic consecration. Henceforth, doctrinal inspiration became an intimate and definitive part of the Dominicans spirit and one of the most outstanding characteristics of the Order. The “Common Doctor” may truly be considered the second founder of the Order. (59)

Though Dominic founded the schools of the Order chiefly for its own members, they were open to non-Dominicans.(60) It did not take bishops long to realize the possibilities of the Dominican schools and many of them considered that they were thus absolved from following the Lateran Decree. Bishop Conrad Scharfeneck of Metz was one of the first to realize the importance of the Dominican schools. Urging his people, in April 1221, to aid the Friars Preachers should they come to make a foundation in his diocese, he pointed to a double benefit they would bring—sermons for the laity and courses in theology for his clergy. Several years later the bishop of Liège welcomed Dominicans into his diocese to preach, hear confessions, and teach theology.(61) Pope Innocent IV in 1245 dispensed clerics attending lectures at the priory of Dijon from the duty of residence in the same manner as students attending the University of Paris.(62) It was with justifiable pride, therefore, that Jordan of Rivalto, an eloquent Dominican preacher of the fourteenth century, boasted that St. Dominic had filled Christendom with schools of theology.(63)

Dominicans taught not only in their schools but in those of the other ecclesiastical groups. Mandonnet writes that during his years of research in Dominican history, covering the thirteenth to the fifteenth century, he had found more than a hundred friars teaching in episcopal schools or abbeys.(64) When the Cistercian general chapter of 1246 ruled that each of their monasteries should have their monks study theology, the Abbot of Citeaux asked the Dominicans to supply a lector for the mother-abbey.(65) In 1285 William of Saint Genesius was teaching the monks of the Cistercian abbey of Grandselve.(66) In the early fourteenth century, Arnold Bernard of Cahors lectured on the Gospels, Acts of the Apostles, and the Apocalypse to the Canons of St. Stephen’s in Toulouse.(67)

It was especially in cathedral schools, throughout the Continent, that the friars became professors. From their first arrival in Lyons, they held the chair of theology at the cathedral.(68) In 1246 the bishop of Reims bore the expenses of moving the Order’s priory closer to his church so that the Dominican lector who taught the canons would have easier access to the cathedral schools.(69) Dominicans lectured on the Bible or on the Sentences of Peter Lombard at Bordeaux, Toulouse, Albi, Magouellonne and Narbonne.(70) It was the same in other countries. The friars taught at the cathedral schools of Milan and Padua in Italy,(71) of Salzburg in Germany,(72) and, often, of Prague in Bohemia.(73) The Order’s professors lectured at the Spanish cathedrals of Urgel, Tortosa, Mallorca, Lerida, Tarragona, Barcelona, Gerona, Palma, and Valencia, where St. Vincent Ferrer taught theology before he began his great preaching career.(74)

Other schools, likewise, drafted friar professors. At various times during the fifteenth century, a Dominican taught at the College of St. Eulalia in Montpellier, at three colleges in Bologna, and at the schools of St. Semin in Toulouse.(75) University schools, apart from the Order’s houses of studies, occasionally had Dominican lecturers. Bartholomew Caccia of Milan was professor of theology and moral philosophy at the University of Pavia from 1402 to 1407.(76) The 1426 general chapter commissioned the provincial of Provence to appoint the officials for the schools at the new University of Dole, a city where the Order had no priory.(77) The chapters themselves appointed lectors for the universities of Lisbon, Leipzig, Aix, Montpellier, and Avignon.(78)

In university cities, the Dominican studium generale was incorporated into the university.(79) Its academic exercises conformed to university statutes and were attended by both Dominican and non-Dominican students. During their conflicts with the universities, Dominicans at Paris in 1256 and at Oxford in 1313 complained that the secular masters were preventing scholars from following courses at their priories.(80) In both cities various university exercises took place in the priory church.(81)

At those universities which did not have a faculty of theology, the schools of the Dominicans and other religious Orders served the theological needs of the clergy. This situation obtained at Bologna,(82) Padua, Montpellier, Naples,(83) and Coimbra.(84) In recognition of this fact the thirteenth-century popes would not permit a new university to establish a theological faculty when schools of theology of religious Orders existed in the city.

Noted personages attended courses in Dominican houses of study. St. Richard Wych, later bishop of Chichester, studied in the priory at Orleans, Engelbert of Admont at Padua, Arnauld of Villenueve at Montpellier.(85) Benedictine students at Liège frequented the Dominican studium generale at Cologne.(86)

Nor were all the guest-students clerics. At Barcelona, late in the thirteenth century, secular students attended the courses in oriental languages given by Raymond Martin.(87) A Barcelona friar, a century later, taught classes in Scripture for clergy and laity.(88) Cimabue, the great Italian artist, attended grammar classes at Santa Maria Novella, in Florence. This gifted youth was little interested in the earth-bound laws of Latin grammar. Instead of paying attention he illustrated his notebooks with a gallery of animals, knights and other products of youthful fancy, including no doubt unflattering cartoons of his teachers.(89)

The most famous of all these lay students was a genius far more serious about his books than Cimabue—the youthful Dante Alighieri who also studied at Santa Maria Novella. With the sons of other Florentine citizens, he was a student of Fra Remigio de’ Girolami, himself a disciple of St. Thomas and one of the first Thomists. Under this master the poet made the doctrine of the Angelic Doctor his own, reproducing it later in the poetic dress of the Divine Comedy.(90)

Also in Florence, at the priory of San Marco, during the summer of 1490, not only the friars but many devout layfolk and benefactors— among them learned and leading citizens—attended the informal lectures that Savonarola delivered “under a damask rose tree at the end of the garden.”(91) As the audience increased with the popularity of the lectures, and the auditors urged him to speak in public, Savonarola moved to the church on August 1 and began his sermons on the Apocalypse. Thus opened the fateful series that ultimately led to the friar’s death. The episode also illustrates the close connection between teaching and preaching. Even after he had moved to the pulpit, Savonarola continued to refer to his instructions as lectures.

(Source: Hinnebusch, W. A. The Dominican Order and Learning, p. 3-18. In Hinnebusch, William A. The History of the Dominican Order. Vol. 2.  Alba House, N.Y. 1973. 474p.)


NOTES TO CHAPTER I

1.            I Const., Prol., p. 311.
2.            Liber constitutionum et ordinationum, no. 77.
3.            Douais, Essai, (for the shortcomings of this work see Denifle, “Die Con- stit.,” ALKG, I, 184n. Though superseded by some of the following studies, it should not be neglected). Bennett, Early Dominicans, pp. 52-74; Denifle, ibid.; Duval, “L’étude,” pp. 221-47; Ehrle, “S. Domenico,” pp. 85-124; Frank, Hausstudium, pp. 27-35; Feret, “Vie intellectuelle,” pp. 5-37; A. G. Little, “Education Organization,” pp. 50-63; M. S. Gillet, “De studiis in ordine Praedicatorum,” AOP, XX (1931-32), 587-89; Mandonnet, “Frères Prêcheurs," pp. 863-924; Scheeben, Beitrage Jordans, pp. 96-126; Walz, Compendium, pp. 210-50.
4.            Opera, II, 41.
5.            Ibid., p. 202.
6.            Vitae fratrum, p. 138, no. 3.
7.            Duval, op. cit., pp. 221-47, esp. 235-37, 242-47.
8.            Jordan of Saxony, Libellas, nos. 6-7; Acta canonizationis, no. 35; Prtrus Ferrandus, Legenda s. Dominici, ed. M. H. Laurent (MOFH, XVI, Rome, 1935), nos. 7-8. See vol. I, 17ff.
9.            Jordan, Libellus, no. 15.
10.          See vol. I, 20-32.
11.          Jordan, Libellus, no. 24. He erroneously gives Fanjeaux as the place, see Petri vallium Sarnarii monachi Historia Albigensis, ed. P. Guebin-E. Lyon (Paris, 1926), I, no. 54;. Vicaire, Hist., I, 216-18.
12.          Humbert of Romans, Legenda s. Dom. ed. A. Walz (MOPH, XVI, Rome, 1935), no. 40; Trevet, Annales, p. 244.
13.          Acta canonizationis, p. 147, no. 29.
14.          Ibid., p. 144, no. 26; Jordan, Libellus, nos. 51-53.
15.          Jordan, Libellus, no. 55.
16.          Bernard Gui, De fundatione, p. 247; Vicaire, Hist., II, 173-74, 196.

THE DOMINICAN ORDER AND LEARNING 15
17.          Trevet, Annales, p. 209. It was a day the archbishop was to preach, presumably the Transfiguration. They reached Oxford on the fifteenth.
18.          See vol. I, 312-17.
19.          I Const., II, 23, 28-30. pp. 358, 361-63. See Duval, op. cit., pp. 237-47.
20.          Monumenta dipl. s. Dom., no. 160. See below, pp. 37-38; see vol. 1, 86
21.          I Const., I, 13, p. 324.
22.          Ibid., I, 4, p. 316. For interesting background to this legislation, see S. A. van Dijk, "Historical Liturgy and Liturgical History,” Dominican Studies, II (1949), 179-82.
23.          II Const., II, 6, p. 54.
24.          Vitae Fratrum, p. 161.
25.          I Const., p. 311 (prologue).
26.          Ibid., II, 23, p. 358.
27.          Ibid., II, 28-30, pp. 361-63.
28.          Ibid., I, 21, p. 332.
29.          Ibid., II, 16, p. 353; see Acta, I 100-75, II, 13.
30.          I Const., II, 18, p. 355; see Acta, I, 129, 197.
31.          Acta, I, 126, 130, 138, 142, 150, 161, passim, II, 55, 75, 86, 118, 125, 136, 142, 162, 167, passim, 400-401, 433-36, III, 17-20, 34, 36, passim.
32.          Convenient grouping of much of this legislation is found in Jaskinski, Summarium, pp. 245-53, 266-68, 403-27, and Fontana, Constitutiones, pp. 248-55, 279-83, 285-86, 448-68.
33.          Acta I, 99-100; supplemented 1265, repeated 1274 (ibid., pp. 129-130, 174-75); Chartularium, I, 384-86; English trans., L. Thorndike, University Records and Life in the Middle Ages (New York, 1944), pp. 30-31. See Douais, Acta, pp. 88-90; Formularium, pp. 115-116. The provincial chapter of Beziers, 1261, preserved the names of the commissioners (Douais, Acta, p. 88). Only the studium artium is mentioned in 1259, but the implementation of the ordinance (see chapter
II,            sect. 3 ) indicates that the phrase was used in the Parisian sense. At the University, the Arts Faculty taught the arts and philosophy. For the curriculum and organization of Dominican studies, see Frank, Hausstudium, pp. 27-63; Little, “Educational Organization,” 49-63; F. D. Nealy, The Administration (a few minor corrections are needed in this work); Walz, Compendium, pp. 208-26.
34.          See below, chapt. II, sect. 3, p. 45; chapt. IV, sect. 2.
35.          See below, chapt. Ill, sect. 2.
36.          Humbert of Romans, Legenda s. Dominici, no. 40; Trevet, Annales, p. 244.
37.          For these exercises, see I Const., II, 29, p. 362; Humbert, Opera, II, 259-63; Acta, II, 13, 64, 152, 229, 309; Kàpneli, Acta, pp. 4, 28, 29, 38, 55; Douais, Acta, pp. 64, 128, 300.
38.          / Const., II, 13, pp. 354-55; Acta, I 100, 129-30, 175, II, 13; Kappeli, Acta, pp. 25, 187, 231, 344; Douais, Acta, p. 463.
39.          Acta, I, 100, 175, II, 64, 308; Kappeli, Acta, pp. 29, 227, 231, 256, 270, 286, 351; Douais, Acta, pp. 63, 128.
40.          1 Const., II, 28-29, pp. 361-62, see Acta, I, 129, 324; Duval, “L'étude,” P- 241; Frank, “Spannung,” p. 192, no. 83; Humbert, Opera, II, 256-63.
41.          Acta, I, 324, II, 4, 64, 72, 80-81, 82, 111, 119, 125, 141, III, 170; Kappeli, Acta, pp. 252, 286; Douais, Acta, pp. 16, 64, 74, 86, 90, 110, 232, Gascogne, p. 502, Essai, pp. 24-25.
42.          Acta, II, 12-14, reaffirmed 1346 (ibid., pp 308-309).
43.          Ibid., pp 63-66, 72, 78-84.
44.          Ibid., p. 65, see Acta, I, 170, 238-39, II, 65, 147, 323, 373, 446, III, 231; AC? Lomb., AFr, XI, 172'.
45.          Acta, II, 83-84.
46.          Acta, III, 119-20, 130.
47.          E.g., Acta, I, 129, 175; Kappeli, Acta, pp. 32, 36, 39, passim; Douais, Essai, pp. 177-279; AC? Sax., QF, XIV, 20-77; ACP Lomb. Inf., AFP, XIII, 141-48; AC? Teut., AFP, XXII, 187-88, 194-95; ZKG, XLVIII, 9-15; RQ, XI, 296-99, 305- 309, 315-19, 325-29; ACP S. Dorn., AFP, XXIX, 158-59, 161, 164; AC? Sax., ZKG, XXXIV, 80-85 (also in QF, XIX, 36-42), 487-90; AC Cong. Holl., pp. 14-15, 19-20, passim. See below, chap. II, n. 1.
48.          E.g., Douais, Acta, pp. 792-93, 828, 873 (indices); Kappeli, Acta, pp.
79,          166-67, 187, 135, 227, 252, 291, 305, 318.
49.          I Const., II, 16, p. 218; Acta, I, 99-100, 175, II, 65; Douais, Acta, pp. 47-48, 81, 194; Kappeli, Acta, p. 195.
50.          Ways of Medieval Life and Thought (Boston, 1951), p. 186.
51.          BOP, I, 333. A similar privilege was granted to the Franciscans the same year (Bull. Fran., II, 208, confirmed 1265, ibid., Ill, 19).
52.          Canons 18 and 11 respectively.
53.          Mon. dipl. s. Dom., no. 104; Chartularium, I, 90-93.
54.          Mandonnet-Vicaire, Dominique, II, 99.
55.          Mon. dipl. s. Dom., no. 79 (Gratiarum omnium, Jan. 21, 1217).
56.          Mandonnet’s thesis that Dominic in founding his Order intended to meet academic as well as the preaching needs of the Church ( Mandonnet-Vicaire, op. cit., I, 77, II, 83-84, 93ff) requires modification, see Vicaire, Hist., II, 234, no. 114. For critique of his thesis see D. Planzer (AFP, VIII, 295-98), Walz, (“San Domenico e la universita,”' Angelicum, XI [1934], 347-49, n. 5); Scheeben (Beitrage Jord., pp. 96-97, 113-14, Dominikus, pp. 150-51).
57.          Mandonnet-Vicaire, op. cit., II, 99.
58.          Contra impugnantes Dei cultum, pars. II, cap. xxi, Opera, Vives éd., XXIX, 29; Parma éd., XV, 19 (cap. iv).
59.          V. Walgrave, Dominican Self-Appraisal in the Light of the Council ( Chicago,
III.          , 1968), p. 243. See P. Regamey, Un ordre ancien dans le monde actuel (Paris, n.d. mimeograph), p. 29.
60.          Secular clergy attended lectures in the priory of Montpellier, 1240 (Douais, Acta, p. 17), of London, 14th cent. (AFP, XXVII, 404), and in priories of the province of Aragon (ACP Aragon, Transcript, I, 147). Laity and clergy in the priory of Verona, 15th cent. (AFP, XXV, 10). See Frank Hausstudium, pp. 53-58: Das Dominikanerstudium als “offentliche Schule.” Humbert, Opera, II 261. The 1278 provincial chapter of the Roman province forbade lectors to admit seculars to philosophy lectures (Kappeli, Acta, p. 49); the 1308 chapter excluded extems from all but lectures in theology, except when the provincial permitted (Kappeli, Acta, p. 169). After the fourteenth century, apparently the secular clergy for the most part no longer looked to the mendicant schools to satisfy their academic needs (Frank, op. cit., p. 56, n. 58).
61.          Metz; Mon. dipl. s. Dominici, no. 157. Liège: P. Fredericq, Corpus documentorum inquisitionis.. .Neerlandicae (Ghent, 1889), I, 73-74; Chapotin, Histoire, p. 129, n. 1.
62.          Chartularium, I, 176; BOP, I, 147.
63.          Prediche del Fra G. da Rivalto. . .dal 1303 at 1306, ed D. Moreni (Florence, 1831), I, 236-37.
64.          Mandonnet-Vicaire, Dominique, II, 98. Scheeben had failed to find any during the entire thirteenth century (Beitrage ... Jordans, p. 118).
65.          Chartularium, I, 187.
66.          Douais, Acta, p. 286, see pp. 250, 331, 339; Gui, De fundatione, p. 86.
67.          R. Creytens, “Les commentateurs dom. de le règle de s. Augustin du XIIIe au XVIe siècle,” AFP, XXXV (1965), 21-24; Douais, Essai, pp. 119-20; QE, I, 588-89.
68.          Chartularium, III, 98, 200, 201; Acta, III, 344.
69.          BOP, I, 165.
70.          Douais, Acta, pp. 285, 294, 384, Essai, pp. 33, 119-20, 147, 276, Gascogne, p. 202; Acta, cap. gen., Ill, 345, 401, 432; ACG 1474, p. 242. Nicholas of Mont- moreaux (d. 1279) taught canon law at Narbonne (Gui, De fundatione, p. 62).
71.          Milan; “Galvano della Fiamma, Cronaca maggiore,” p. 336; Olmeda, Chronica, p. 66; Cremaschi, Stefanardo, p. 7. Padua; Acta, III, 190.
72.          Lôhr, “Die Mendikantenarmut,” p. 401; Registrum litt. Ray. Capua, pp. 73, 78, 128.
73.          Koudelka, “Heinrich v. Bitterfeld,” pp. 10-14.
74.          V. Beltran de Heredia, “Miscellania Tomista en commemoracio del sise cent, de la canonacion de S. Tomas d’Aq.,” Estudios Francescanos, XXXIV (1924), 42-57.
75.          Acta, III, 348, 187-88, 432.
76.          Kâppeli, “La bibliothèque de Saint-Eustorge,” pp. 19-20; Lôhr, “Die Dom- inikanen. . .Erfurt,” pp. 403-35; Frank, Hausstudium, p. 89.
77.          Acta, III, 187; founded in 1422, Rashdall, Universities, II, 190.
78.          A.cta, III, 193, 348, 349, 367, 432. For the appointment of friars to read for degrees at other universities, see ibid., pp. 184, 187, 210, 229, 247, 253.
79.          See below, pp. 37-39.
80.          Chartularium, I 305, n. 269, see no. 247; Litterae encyclicae, p. 35; “Friars Preachers vs. the University,” ed. H. Rashdall, Collectanea II (Oxford Hist. Soc.,
16,          1890), p. 220 .
81.          Friars Preachers vs. Univ. pp. 218, 226; Rashdall, Universities, III, 70, 73; Little-Pelster, Oxford Theology, pp. 161, 186; Chartularium, II, 692, III, 202, 530. For cases of Dominican cooperation with the universities, see P. Kibre, The Nations in the Mediaeval Universities (Cambridge, Mass., 1948), pp. 45-46, 50, 74, 131, 133; Rashdall, op. cit., II, 147.
82.          Denifle, Die Er.tstehung, I, 206-207; 525.
83.          Walz, Thomas Aquinas, pp. 144-45; G. M. Monti, Nuovi studi anquiotii (Trani, 1937), p. 229.
84.          Mandonnet-Vicaire, Domininque, II, 97-98 and n. 45.
85.          Richard: Acta S S. Apr., I (1675), 279. Engelbert; G. B. Fowler, Intellectual Interests of Engelbert of Admont (New York, 1947), p. 23. Arnauld: H. Finke, us ecu Tagen Bomfaz VIII (Munich, 1902), pp. clxxiii, cxc. See Mandonnet-Vicaire, Dominique, II, 98, cf. nos. 46-48.
86.          P. Volk, Der liber ordinarius des Lütticher St. Jakobuskloster (Münster i. W., 1924), p. LXVIII.
87.          Berthier, “Un maitre orientaliste,” p. 277.
88.          A. Rubiô y Lluch, Doc. per l’hist. de la cultura catalana mig-eval (Barcelona, 1908), I, 364, cf. Acta, II, 436, 449.
89.          G. Vasari, Le vite dei più eccellenti pittori, scultori ed architettori, ed. G. Milanesi (Florence, 1906), I, 246-49, see 261-63; Meersseman, “L’architecture,” pp. 180-81.
90.          Grabmann, “Remigio de’ Girolami,” pp. 361-62; P. Mandonnet, “Dante theo- logien,” Revue des jeunes, 25 mai, 1921, pp. 369-95; M. Cordovani, “Tomismo dantesco,” Xenia thomistica III (Rome, 1925), 309-26. See C. T. Davis, “Remigio de’ Girolami and Dante. A Comparison of Their Conceptions of Peace,” Studi danteschi, XXXVI (1959), 105-136, and I. Taurisano, “II culto di Dante nell’ordine domenicano,” MD, XXXIII (1916), 712-38. Dante says he was present “in the schools of the religious and at the disputations of the philosophers” (Convivio, xii, 7).
91.          [Pseudo-Burlamacchi], La vita, p. 22; P. Cinozzi, Epistola de vita et moribus Ieronimi Savonarolae fratri lacobo Siculo, in P. Villari-E. Casanova, Scelta di prediche e scritti di Girolamo Savonarola (Florence, 1898), p. 11; Ridolfi, Savonarola, I, 47-48.

 

 

 

 

 

 

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